Belgium became independent in 1830, with French as the official language. A few decades later, Flemish leaders began to work for the acknowledgment of the Flemish language as the means of social and cultural development of the majority of the Belgian population. The goal of this 'Flemish Movement' was the emancipation of the Flemish people. This effort led to Belgium's first language laws, toward the end of the 19th century. Several others followed. The French-speaking leaders refused a nation wide bilingualism. Instead, French would remain the administrative language of the southern provinces and Dutch the language of the northern provinces. Communes situated on the fringes of both territories could receive special rights for their language minority. If majorities shifted, the predominant language of administration changed as well. In 1962-1963 a new set of language laws passed the Parliament. At the same time a territorial modification of communal and provincial boundaries was imposed. The intention of the legislator was to settle the dispute once and for all. In reality, its attempt to do so set off a new and complicated conflict dynamic . Two of the major conflict foci the federal government agencies are faced with today, originated then. One of them is Voeren. The other, not discussed in this article, is the Flemish periphery of Brussels.

The district of Voeren was transferred from the province of Liege to Limburg against the wish of the local majority, leading to accusations of undemocratic decision making. In the context of the 1962-1963 constitutional framework, the decision of Parliament was politically hazardous but legally valid. Later constitutional reforms would make these same actions impossible today. Unlike other language boundary communes which have accepted their new belonging to one or the other language region, Francophones in Voeren still maintain their opposition today. The local French-speaking party has remained in power ever since. A pervasive resentment between Flemish and Francophones still poisons community life in Voeren. The intransigence of this remote district of six villages with less than 4,500 inhabitants has forced several Belgian governments to resign over the years. Voeren has become the symbol of the Belgian language conflict.

Voeren (as well as the Flemish periphery of Brussels) are situated on the Flemish side of the language boundary. This may be explained by cultural factors and a different political strategy. The Flemish Community sticks neatly to the 'territoriality criterion' on which the regionalization of the Belgian federation is organized according to the Belgian Constitutional Court. The French-speaking community aruges that the French Community is competent for all the Belgian Francophones, wherever they are residing in Belgium. In short, it follows the 'personality criterion'. Needless to say that this different approach makes it even more difficult to resolve the issues at stake.

My own professional involvement goes back to the spring of 1995. I was sent to Voeren to assist the federal commissioner in trying to 'keep the peace'. I learned for the first time and for myself how deep and painful the roots of community conflict in Voeren are. I discovered the inadequacy of the existing conflict resolution approach. I looked for help. Luc Reychler, director of the Centre for Peace Research at the University of Leuven, introduced me to peace studies. In 1996 I met John Paul Lederach at a seminar in Brussels on cross-cultural mediation. Three years of peace building efforts have not been in vain. In the beginning our team was perceived - literally - as a "Francophone submarine" in Flemish territorial waters. Careful objectivity, quality of intervention and a lot of diplomacy and reserve were necessary to build trust at both sides.

Networking with people in the field is beginning to bear fruit. However, many challenges remain.

Constructive contacts with political authorities are still wishful thinking. And more than anything else, bureaucracy is not particularly helpful in oiling the wheels of an effective organization of peacebuilding infrastructure. But we must continue to stretch our minds to further the peaceful resolution of our conflicts. If you have any ideas to share with me, please do. You're more than welcome!