Eastern Mennonite University

LESSON FROM WACO

By Wallace Ford

First Published in the Albuquerque Newspaper
on December 26, 2001

Posted on the Foreign Policy in Focus
Web Site January 8, 2002

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Jayne Docherty, in her book Learning Lessons From Waco subtitles her careful analysis of the futile negotiations between the U.S. government's police system and the Branch Davidians "when the parties bring their gods to the negotiation table." Docherty, who teaches in the Conflict Transformation Program at Eastern Mennonite University, uses the actual transcripts of the negotiations to analyze how they failed to resolve a clash of world-views or even authentically consider the legitimacy of each other during the time leading up to the final conflagration.

The Branch Davidians were defending their passionate commitment to a millennial worldview, a part of which was preparations for the "end times." These preparations occupied the attention and loyalty of the adult members of the enclave. Across the chasm, federal and regional law enforcement officials quickly coalesced into a "Critical Incidence" team that quickly had its protocols, strategies, values, and outcomes in operation. Their worldview focused on disarming the enclave, arresting those responsible for the deaths of the federal agents and disbanding the entire compound. The day-to-day interchange between these two worldviews extended for over 50 days, yet could not discover any common ground sufficient to yield an agreement that would defuse the lethal zero-sum outcome that was building.

These "lessons from Waco" contain new directions for peacemakers considering how to effectively engage the conflict raging between Israel and the Palestinians. They also give an alternative historical experience to the "real politic" habits of diplomacy.

A primary consideration should be to understand historical clashes of world-views between theocratic movements and secular states. The three monotheistic religions birthed in the Mideast each have embedded in their DNA genetic impulses toward theocracy. Obviously differing in how a theocracy should be constructed and governed, nevertheless Judaism, Islam, and Christianity all have, from time to time, created or attempted to create an entire social structure using their theologies and their moral codes. Yet none has been able to sustain a theocracy for an extended period of time. It is not long before the theocratic leaders begin to use the rationality and institutions required for governance. To do so requires compromising the ideals of their faith for the practical concessions demanded by day-to-day operations and settling claims brought by diverse interests among the population. The structures of governance grow in importance and in tension with the "purity of faith" that originally fueled the theocracy. Finally, even though the political leaders may give personal allegiance to the faith, they decide and act based primarily on civil, political considerations.

"Faithfulness" is increasingly relegated to sacred spaces and actions, becoming a matter of individual adherence and practice leaving only the prophetic critique or moral outrage to give voice to the slippage from the founding ideals.

Is peace possible right now in the Mideast, especially as the clash between the dominant theocratic forces of Israel and the intense renewal forces of the Palestinians continues to spiral through lethal intensifications? How will the demands and needs of these forces be resolved?

We can contribute, I believe, to the process toward peace by giving full recognition to the forces at work:

    1. Peacemakers can recognize the "sacramental" nature of the Israeli settlements, created not only out of an intense desire to prepare a boundary buffer for a stronger secular state but also a faith-based sign. The settlements are, for many in the Jewish theocratic movement, preparations for the coming messianic fulfillment for the people of Israel, when the ancient boundaries of Israel are reclaimed, owned, and offered up to God.
    2. At the same time, peacemakers must recognize the deep convictions driving the Islamic renewal movements among the Palestinians. While we may not understand young men willing to give martyred testimony to an Islamic nation reclaiming the stretch of the Ottoman Empire, it does no good to label them "suicide bombers" or "terrorists," even if, from a secular point of view, that is what they appear to be.

I have no clear idea how this conflict can be resolved. Approaching a peace accord from the worldview of civil diplomacy and a strictly political framework has not worked and will probably not in the future. As good as the Mitchell proposals are, they simply do not take into account the clash of theocratic worldviews and therefore will not diffuse the situation and will only allow these worldviews to continue seething.

However, in learning again "lessons from Waco" one option might contain the possibilities for a mediated peace. The U.S. could either recruit a team of mediators skilled in working with conflicts created by clashing worldviews or support a UN initiative to do so. This would mean that the U.S. would also need to remove itself from being a shadow "God Father" who will reward the parties with approval and promises of aid. To be successful, the mediation process cannot be merely a sub-text for the U.S.'s attempt to maintain a protective hegemony among client states for its national interests (which includes in no small measure the assured supply of oil).

- Wallace Ford